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Linguistische Berichte Heft 219


Linguistische Berichte (LB) 219. 2009. 142 Seiten.
2366-0775. eJournal (PDF)
EUR 42,00


Herausgegeben von Günther Grewendorf und Arnim von Stechow.
LB 2009. 142 Seiten.
Kartoniert 42.00

Beiträge aus Forschung und Anwendung:

Sprachtheorie
Helmut Weiß
How to Define Dialect and Language – A Proposal for further Discussion

Semantik
Jennifer Rau
Modalverben in Komplementsätzen von Einflussprädikaten

Pragmatik
Edgar Onea und Anna Volodina
Der Schein trügt 'nämlich'

Syntax
Augustin Speyer
Das Vorfeldranking und das Vorfeld-es

Sprachproduktion
Elisabeth Verhoeven
Subjects, Agents, Experiencers, and Animates in Competition: Modern Greek Argument Order


Rezensionen:

Werner Abraham
Rajesh Bhatt: Covert Modality in Non-finite Contexts

Elisabeth Leiss
Sebastian Donat und Hendrik Birus (Hg.): Poesie der Grammatik und Grammatik der Poesie


Informationen und Hinweise:

LB-Info
Hinweise für Autorinnen und Autoren

Abstracts:

Sprachtheorie
Helmut Weiß
How to Define Dialect and Language – A Proposal for further Discussion

This article proposes definitions of two key concepts in linguistics, dialect and language, and formulates these in analogy to the biological concepts population and species. This allows for a much more coherent way of defining these concepts. In addition, a three-level model of language consisting of (i) an innate faculty of language (FL), (ii) I-language, and (iii) utterances will be proposed. Some of the more radical consequences resulting from this approach concern standard languages which are considered as entirely different entities, and languages traditionally known as Chinese, German, Dutch etc. which are claimed not to exist from a strictly linguistic point of view.


Semantik
Jennifer Rau
Modalverben in Komplementsätzen von Einflussprädikaten

In this paper, I compare finite and infinite complements embedded under predicate of a class I call influence predicates, for instance ‘befehlen’ (order), ‘erlauben’ (allow), ‘zwingen’ (force), ‘ermöglichen’ (enable). They share the property that under some conditions, modal verbs in the complements are semantically redundant. I assume that their core meaning provides a causal operator and a modal operator modifying the embedded proposition. Empirical studies show that with regard to the redundancy of point at a fundamental difference between finite and infinite complements. Though both are propositional, only infinite complements are modally dependent from their matrix predicate while finite clauses are optionally semantically independent.


Pragmatik
Edgar Onea und Anna Volodina
Der Schein trügt ‘nämlich’

The German particle ‘nämlich’ is puzzling because it seems to have two independent semantic functions which strictly correlate with specific syntactic environments: if ‘nämlich’ precedes an "orphan constituent” (Haegeman 1991) it specifies a vague discourse referent in the previous clause, and if ‘nämlich’ appears in a whole clause its function is marking that the host-clause delivers an explanation to the previous clause. A polysemy- or even homonymy-analysis seems problematic precisely because of this strict correlation between syntactic environment and semantic function. In this paper we propose a unified analysis of ‘nämlich’. We argue that ‘nämlich’ marks the property of the context that there is an implicit question to which the host of ‘nämlich’ delivers a direct (short) answer (Jacobson 2008). Crucially, constituents are good short answers to constituent-questions (Who?), while whole clauses are only good short answers to "sentence"-questions like Why p? Building on these intuitions we show how both readings of ‘nämlich’ can systematically be derived and implement our analysis formally.


Syntax
Augustin Speyer
Das Vorfeldranking und das Vorfeld-es

There are three kinds of non-phoric ‘es’: the topologically motivated prefield-es, the formal subject-es and the correlate ‘es’ which is coindexed with a subject or object subordinate clause. All of them can stand in the "prefield” of German declarative clauses. The theory of the prefield ranking should disallow the positioning of such elements in the prefield. A closer look at corpus data reveals that sentences with non-phoric ‘es’ in the prefield do not contain any of the more favoured prefield-fillers. The only way to fill the prefield in such cases is by Formal Movement of the subject (es) into the prefield position, or, if even that fails, by basegeneration of an expletive in the prefield, namely the prefield-es.


Sprachproduktion
Elisabeth Verhoeven
Subjects, Agents, Experiencers, and Animates in Competition: Modern Greek Argument Order

This article presents the results of a recall experiment on Modern Greek experiential verbs. The influence of the factors subjecthood, thematic role (agent, experiencer), and animacy on word order and their interaction is investigated with three different types of experiencer verbs, namely experiencer subject (ES) verbs, labile [±agentive] experiencer object verbs, and nonagentive experiencer object (EO) verbs. The experimental results show that while a tendency to preserve the preferred SVO order is visible with all examined verb classes, this effect is weakened by an experiencer-first preference for EO verbs. Furthermore, for EO verbs the crucial factor for the argument order preferences is the property [±agentive] of the stimulus while animacy does not exhibit an independent effect in our findings. These results support the separation of the three types of experiential verbs, which is suggested in psych-verb theories on the basis of their different syntactic behavior.