Antonia Rothmayr

This paper discusses the binding paradox in German double object constructions as observed by Grewendorf (1988). At first glance, binding facts run counter to the standard conceptions of argument hierarchy, which requires the accusative argument to be base-generated in a lower position than the dative one. The claim that datives are not plural in the relevant semantic sense, together with a closer look at the syntax of reciprocals and at the structure of picture nouns is used to show that the binding facts do not contradict the argument hierarchy.